Violent Crime: Assessing Race and Ethnic Differences by Darnell F. Hawkins

By Darnell F. Hawkins

Analysts have lengthy famous that a few societies have a lot better premiums of legal violence than others. the danger of being a sufferer or a wrongdoer of violent crime varies significantly from one person to a different. a few ethnic and racial teams were said to have larger premiums of violent offending and victimization than different teams in societies with ethnically and racially diversified populations. This sequence of essays explores the level and factors of racial and ethnic transformations in violent crime within the U.S. and several modern societies.

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Such labels smack of territorial stigmatization without objectively acknowledging the process that has led to this outcome (see Wacquant, 1996). Jargowski (1996) and Anderson (1999) indicate that even among the poorest of neighborhoods, practitioners of nonmainstream values are likely to constitute the minority. Even within these ecological spaces, broad differences can be observed in particular aspects of their social environment. Nevertheless, the combination of high levels of racial segregation and high levels of poverty appear to stimulate an increase in levels of violent victimization (Peterson and Krivo, 1993; Massey, 1995).

Nonetheless, not all researchers agree. Some have rejected outright the categorization of black males as practitioners of a subculture of violence as an adequate explanation for the rise and fall of homicide peaking patterns (see Cao, Adams, and Jensen, 1997). That distinction aside, blacks have experienced the highest homicide risk levels of any race/ethnic population in the United States since homicide statistics were first recorded. Even so, after controlling for race, homicide rates vary substantially across place (Peterson and Krivo, 1993).

Can the same pattern be observed in Hispanic neighborhoods? The north side neighborhood cluster is the place of residence of almost 12 percent of the city’s black population, but constituted the place of occurrence of 16 percent of the city’s homicides in 1990. At the same time, the south side neighborhood setting was home to just under two-fifths of Milwaukee’s Hispanic population. It should be noted, however, that these two neighborhood groups, respectively, were the sites of 16 and 4 percent of all homicides committed in the city in 1990.

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