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America’s Allies and War: Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Iraq by J. Davidson

By J. Davidson

Why do Britain, France, and Italy supply or refuse army help for U.S.-led makes use of of strength? This booklet offers a special, multiple-case learn research of transatlantic burden-sharing. Sixty unique interviews with most sensible policymakers and analysts supply perception into allies' judgements in regards to the Kosovo warfare, Afghanistan, and the Iraq warfare.

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Extra resources for America’s Allies and War: Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Iraq

Sample text

The public can also push governments to provide support that might not otherwise do so. When the government does not highly value its alliance with the United States and does not see the target as a threat to national interest but an electorally relevant public favors support, the state is likely to provide support. Public opinion—when relevant in electoral terms—can tip the balance between split alliance value and threat/prestige. If the government attaches high value to its alliance with the United States but perceives low threat from the target (and prestige is not implicated) and public opinion favors support, then the state is likely to provide support.

While Mitterrand’s government valued the strategic benefits of France’s alliance with the United States, he did not have reason to believe that his decision on Lebanon would impact the alliance. S. 121 Finally, there is some evidence that—as will be seen in the next section—the Mitterrand government intervened because of concern that its interests would be adversely affected if the United States acted alone. Much evidence links the Mitterrand government’s decision to provide troops to a desire to resolve a threat to French interests and prestige.

47 Moreover, the cases are all instances of elective military operations where states have a choice as to whether to offer military support to an ally—these are not moments of existential crisis. Realism allows for factors other than power and security to have a role when a state’s fundamental survival is not at stake. My argument is also consistent with neoclassical realism. Neoclassical realism includes explanations of foreign policy that weigh domestic factors more heavily than traditional realist, international factors.

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